Polish Israeli relations

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Polish Israeli relations



The diplomatic and commercial ties between Poland and Israel are strong. Today, Israel and Poland enjoy very solid and profound relations, which include close cooperation in the political, military, economic, cultural and educational spheres. Those relations are based on mutual interests, shared values and similar analysis of the situation in the international arena, but they are also a natural continuation of the joint Polish-Jewish history of almost 1,000 years.


Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Warsaw

Reports of Israeli investments in Poland indicate that there is an ever-growing Israeli presence in Polish real estate and hi-tech. The majority of Israeli companies are treated as Dutch investors, because the investment does not come directly from Israel, but from the Netherlands for tax purposes. Israeli real estate developers are investing in residential and office buildings, shopping malls, medical centers, hospitals and cinemas. Israelis are also part of Poland's food and beverage business.

Poland welcomes all categories of Israeli investment, especially information technology and security-related hi-tech sectors. Specifically, Poland used a lot of Israeli security devices during the Euro 2012 Soccer Championship.

The Polish defense industry has already substantial agreements with Israeli companies, but Poland is on the lookout for Israeli security expertise in the civilian market. Poland mounted a major promotion campaign in Israel within the framework of the "Polish Year in Israel," in '2008-2009', which enhanced the Polish-Israeli bilateral relations on every level, but particularly in trade and direct foreign investment.

www.poland-israel.org/en/?lang=en

There is growing interest in Poland from Asian countries such as India and Japan, and China is also gaining a firm foothold. Poland, which is now pursuing a policy of innovative economy, is keen to marry science to industry. Since the level of education in Poland is high, with 427 institutions of higher education and some 2 million university graduates a year, Poland provides very fertile ground for R&D-oriented foreign investors. There are 40 R&D centers in Poland belonging to foreign investors, including the largest Indian companies, who find it more cost effective to operate in Poland. Israel's creativity and expertise in R&D and IT would be mutually beneficial in the establishment of technological parks in Poland.

As its economy improved, Poland also began investing abroad, but this, "is a new issue for the Polish economy," and started only in 2000. Polish investments today are primarily in the Czech Republic, the Netherlands (comment Pieter: "This is new to me. Interesting information" , Sweden, Switzerland, Russia and Ukraine. There is the possibility of Poland investing in Israel in the foreseeable (near) future.

The Polish zloty is strong against the euro and the US dollar. Whereas it was more or less on par with the Israeli shekel when Poland freed itself from Communist rule, the zloty is now worth considerably more than the shekel.

For Israelis, Poland represents an important market of 38 million customers. Poland is a dynamically developing country, populated by well-educated young people who are ambitious and eager to succeed. Poland’s geographic location, at the juncture of east-west and north-south trans-European communications routes, makes it a preferred station for exporting products not only to Western Europe but also to the east. Poland is also an emerging European Union power, and a key NATO member. Its economy grew faster than most EU states in 2010 with a GDP rate of 3.8%, and it sent 1200 of its troops to Afghanistan in support of NATO. Israel’s investment in Poland has past the $1.5 Billion mark.

Maciej Kozlowski, Poland's former amassador to Israel, has described Poland as Israel's strongest ally in Europe.


The Israeli minister of foreign affairs Avigdor Lieberman and the Polish minister of foreign affairs Radek Sikorski, Warsaw, Poland, Monday, Jan. 16, 2012.

History

Poland broke off relations with Israel after the Six-Day War of 1967, following the lead of other countries of the Soviet-controlled Eastern Bloc. It was the first Eastern bloc country to recognize Israel again in 1986. Full diplomatic relations were reestablished in 1990. The Israel-Poland Chamber of Commerce was established in 1988.
After talks between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk in Warsaw in January 2010, the two leaders pledged to deepen and develop Polish-Israeli relations. In 2010, the Israel Council on Foreign Relations and the Polish Institute of International Affairs marked 20 years of bilateral relations between the countries with a Foreign Policy Conference held in Jerusalem.

Sources: The main source of tis threads article is the Jerusalem Post, which I quoted here. And next to that Wikipedia.

www.jpost.com/LandedPages/PrintArticle.aspx?id=88482

Critical of Israel and Polish-Israeli cooperation or good relationship:

www.middleeastmonitor.com/news/europe/4811-tension-in-poland-israel-relations-over-destruction-of-cisterns-in-the-occupied-west-bank

electronicintifada.net/content/bad-romance-poland-and-israels-love-story/9266

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Poland’s Economy Excels!

By Shlomo Maital

Consider Poland. This large country of 38 million people, and 313,000 km.2 grew 4.3% in 2011, faster than nearly all other EU nations. Its unemployment rate is lower than the EU rate (9.7%), and it attracted massive foreign direct investment in 2011 (2.8 % of GDP), much of it from Germany. Poland’s GDP per capita is a surprising $20,731. Its currency, the zloty, is about three per dollar, which means it is much like the Chinese yuan, undervalued, giving Polish exports a boost.

According to Marcin Piątkowski, a World Bank Senior Economist, Poland has made effective use of some 10 b. euros of EU funds. Most of it was spent on low-tech, not high-tech, and the result was to make Poland part of Germany’s wider industrial ecosystem, with Polish factories and workers providing low cost manufactures, buttressed by the undervalued currency. This is almost a Chinese model. It stands in stark contract to, for instance Hungary, which had a property bubble and which is mired in debt, much of it euro and dollar debt that is hard to pay back.

Poland is 34th in global competitiveness, up from #44 in 2008. It has no glaring weaknesses – its economy, govt. efficiency, business efficiency and infrastructure are all reasonably good. Poland’s sturdy independent farmers, who never gave in to the USSR’s kolkhoz collectivization, give Poland a strong collective memory of free markets. According to the IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook, Poland has predictable policy, a skilled workforce, competitive costs, good education, good labor relations, and access to financing. And, of course, a big neighbor, Germany, that likes to invest in Poland because of its proximity.

What we learn from Poland, is that each nation needs its own unique competitive strategy, tailored to its own advantages, history and culture. Poland has found a good one. You do not need high tech, or high R&D spending, to thrive. If you have a big neighbor, find how you can hitch a ride on its economy, find what it needs, make it efficiently and at low cost, and you can do well. It’s very simple.

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‘3.3 mil­lion Jews can change the life of 40 mil­lion Poles’

The found­ing wish of the JRMiP is to write new pages into a his­tory that never quite took the course we wanted. We call for the return of 3.300.000 Jews to Poland to sym­bol­ize the pos­si­bil­ity of our col­lec­tive imag­i­na­tion – to right the wrongs his­tory has imposed and to reclaim the promise of a utopian future that all cit­i­zens deserve. Our des­tiny is not tied to the fate of Jews – or Poles – we wel­come into our ranks all those who believe in the strength of dreams and polit­i­cal will to achieve more. Members of the move­ment are migrants, intel­lec­tu­als, work­ers, artists, out-casts and thinkers: People who rec­og­nize that the Europe of today needs to be re-thought, that Israel must change to be part of the Middle East and that as cit­i­zens we have the abil­ity and respon­si­bil­ity to imag­ine the world dif­fer­ently. Now, the move­ment needs you. Together, we can be strong in our weakness.

In the words of the JRMiP man­i­festo: ‘This is the response we pro­pose for these times of cri­sis, when faith has been exhausted and old utopias have failed. Optimism is dying out. The promised par­adise has been pri­va­tized. The Kibbutz apples and water mel­ons are no longer as ripe. We direct our appeal not only to Jews. We accept into our ranks all those for whom there is no place in their home­lands – the expelled and the per­se­cuted. There will be no dis­crim­i­na­tion in our move­ment. We shall not ask about your life sto­ries, check your res­i­dence cards or ques­tion your refugee status.’

Join us and Europe will be stunned.

The JRMiP was ini­ti­ated by Israeli-born artist Yael Bartana in 2007 and since then has gar­nered inter­na­tional recog­ni­tion and sup­port. In May 2012 the JRMiP met for the first time in Berlin to for­mu­late their future agenda.








A Polish State in the Land of Israel
Yuval Kremintzar

“There are two ways of get­ting home; and one of them is to stay there. The other is to walk around the world till we come back to the same place”.
G. K Chesterton

For thou­sands of years the imag­i­na­tion of the Jewish peo­ple in the dias­pora was cap­ti­vated by a sim­ple tra­jec­tory: the exile from the land of Israel, the pun­ish­ment of exile in the dias­pora, and the antic­i­pated return to the Promised Land, upon the com­ing of the Messiah. Or so we are told. The Zionist project had turned that escha­to­log­i­cal dream to a polit­i­cal pro­gram. Though that project was an incred­i­ble suc­cess in many ways, estab­lish­ing a Jewish state in fact in the land of Israel, it has done so not only at the price of bring­ing a dis­as­ter upon the peo­ple already inhab­it­ing that land, and also at the price of turn­ing the land itself into an exile of sorts. Though that state has now been a real­ity for more than sixty years, in the polit­i­cal imag­i­na­tion of Israelis from all sides of the polit­i­cal map it is clear we have not yet arrived in the Promised Land. Some respond to this insis­tent long­ing by set­tling in ter­ri­to­ries beyond the recog­nised bor­ders of Israel, while oth­ers have come to believe that the true home of the Jew is the dias­pora itself, that Jews are some­how only at home away from home.

The polit­i­cal project of iden­ti­fy­ing the home of the Jewish nation in exile brings to mind a series of pos­si­ble returns. To Poland, to Germany, to Spain, and, why not, per­haps the most attrac­tive option these days, to Egypt. The Jewish dias­pora has had a some­times flour­ish­ing, often trou­bled rela­tion­ship with many of its host sur­round­ings. But Poland is more than yet another tem­po­rary home for exiled Jewish com­mu­ni­ties. It has a stronger, unique claim to being the home of the Jewish peo­ple, a home, how­ever, they might never have left.

Engaging the task of imag­in­ing a Jewish state in Poland calls for an act of cul­tural trans­la­tion. Not only because it would be impo­lite and impru­dent to cre­ate a new com­mu­nity with­out shar­ing the par­tic­u­lar imag­i­na­tion with which one enters this union, but also because, in imag­in­ing this com­mu­nity as new, one must first be famil­iar with the old, espe­cially, as will shortly become clear, one can call into ques­tion the nov­elty of the enter­prise. One could very well argue that a Jewish-Polish state already exists: the Polish state in the land of Israel, namely, the state of Israel.

Israelis approach the sub­ject of Poland through their cul­tural per­cep­tion of “Polishness”. The very exis­tence of the term sug­gests that “Poland” is fil­tered through more than the usual stereo­typ­i­cal fil­ter that allows us access to any­thing unfa­mil­iar. But in fact it comes to stand for some­thing that is all too famil­iar.
In Israel “Polishness”, a rich source of jokes and humor, is asso­ci­ated with the fig­ure of the over­pro­tec­tive “Polish mother”, with a passive-aggressive econ­omy of guilt, and with the fig­ure of the neu­rotic and hypochon­driac effem­i­nate man. The list could go on, but by now the point should be clear: replace the word “Polish” with the word “Jewish” and you’ll have most of of the build­ing blocks for humor and jokes that com­prise the stereo­typ­i­cal image of the Jew out­side Israel, at least in Europe and the U. S. (Most but not all — the rich theme of greed asso­ci­ated so often in jokes with the fig­ure of the Jew was trans­posed instead onto the fig­ure of another Eastern European, “the Romanian” ).

How and why “Polishness” came to stand, in the land of Israel, for what out­side of it is known as “Jewishness”, is not the con­cern of this short essay, nor are many of its oth­er­wise inter­est­ing impli­ca­tions, such as how the fig­ure of the “Polish/Jewish mother”, a uni­ver­sal fig­ure of a mater­nal super-ego, secretly enjoy­ing its offspring’s unavoid­able fail­ure to sat­isfy her wishes, has become cod­i­fied as par­tic­u­larly “Jewish”, or in the Israeli case, “Polish”, or the iden­ti­fi­ca­tion of “Jewishness” with a par­tic­u­lar Eastern European image of the Jew, pre­cisely the one that also cap­ti­vated the gaze of the Nazis, namely, that of the Ostjude. (the Centre-Europ[ean and Eastern-European Ashkenazi jew)
It is per­haps easy to see why such a stand-in fig­ure for the Jew had to be cre­ated in the Jewish state, seek­ing to replace the dias­poric, home­less effem­i­nate man with a new man, strong, mas­cu­line and grounded. However, as we shall see, the cre­ation of “the Pole” as a stand in for “the Jew” did not result in a clear-cut break with this fig­ure, far from it. In cre­at­ing the fig­ure of “Polishness”, the exile, and the exile Jew, were not sim­ply negated or exter­nalised. Indeed, by cre­at­ing this fig­ure, “Jewishness” has instead been inter­nalised and universalised.

To see the full scope of this process would require many more words, and a lot more evi­dence. As our focus here is polit­i­cal imag­i­na­tion, we should restrict our­selves to a few short com­ments as to the impli­ca­tions of this encap­su­la­tion of “Jewishness” within “Polishness” in the pop­u­lar cul­ture of Israel, on the pol­i­tics of Israel, and its pos­si­ble ram­i­fi­ca­tions for the Jewish state in Poland.

In Israel, atti­tudes iden­ti­fied with “Polishness” are to be found at the very core of pol­i­tics. Perhaps the finest exam­ple for this is Golda Meir’s infa­mous say­ing, accord­ing to which “we will never for­give the Palestinians for what they made us do to them”. This state­ment, mak­ing the vic­tims of vio­lence bear the guilt for their own mis­for­tune, reads, to the Israeli eye, as “Polishness” turned state pol­icy, as does the secu­rity pol­icy of Levy Eshkol, Meir’s pre­de­ces­sor as prime min­is­ter of Israel, that he ade­quately named, in Yiddish, “Shimshon der nebechd**er”, “Samson the weak­ling”, sug­gest­ing Israel’s might lies in its weak­ness, and its turn to vio­lence only a des­per­ate last resort of self-defense. For years, Israeli vio­lence had to be cod­i­fied in passive-aggressive lan­guage. The Jewish state could not be directly aggres­sive, but rather had to color its own aggres­sion as a ter­ri­ble bur­den it unwill­ingly bears, for which the objects of that aggres­sion are to be held respon­si­ble. That these days we are wit­ness­ing in Israel, for the first time pub­licly, a call for more direct, unapolo­getic aggres­sion, should there­fore not be taken lightly. It sig­nals a pro­found shift in the national self image, per­haps one that is finally will­ing to part ways with its own “Polishness”.

“Polishness” is also under­stood to be an atti­tude pre­oc­cu­pied with what oth­ers might think, always anx­ious about pos­si­ble embar­rass­ment, of an inde­cent expo­sure, let­ting some­thing that should be kept hid­den slip and enter the field of vision of an out­sider. In recent years, the moral debate in the media, if in fact it can be called that, with regard to the moral­ity of Israel’s actions against the Palestinians, was pre­dom­i­nantly based on a “What will the (Gentile) neigh­bors say?” rhetoric. Israel’s vio­lent actions against the Palestinians are rarely mea­sured by a pub­lic moral con­scious­ness, ask­ing, “Is this right” or “Is this who we want to be?” Rather, it is framed under the ques­tion of the exter­nal per­cep­tion of those actions — “Is this how we want to be per­ceived” — as if in them­selves these raise no moral issue, but are a cause of embar­rass­ment, due to the exter­nal, mis­guided yet some­how all-important gaze of the outsider.

The cen­tral role this gaze plays in Israeli soci­ety can be exem­pli­fied through the joke about the (Central and Eastern European, shtetl-dwelling, Polish) Jew rid­ing the train from Minsk to Gdańsk. Finding him­self alone in the train car, the Jew makes him­self com­fort­able, loos­en­ing his belt, tak­ing off his shoes, and so on. Just as the train is about to leave the sta­tion a prop­erly dressed Polish gen­tle­man enters the car. The Jew, embar­rassed, rapidly col­lects him­self, fas­ten­ing his belt, putting on his shoes back on, and so on. After an hour of awk­ward silence, the Polish gen­tle­man pulls out of his jacket a sid­dur, the Jewish prayer book, and starts pray­ing. The Jew from the shtetl looks at him and says, “Why didn’t you say so?”, and imme­di­ately starts loos­en­ing his belt, tak­ing off his shoes, etc.

The les­son of the joke is twofold: two Jews are never strangers, even when from oppo­site classes, and this (over)familiarity is guar­an­teed by the absence of a real stranger, namely, a Gentile. It is not so much the public/private divide that con­sti­tutes the space of famil­iar­ity here, but rather the pres­ence, or the absence of the Gentile. (The his­tory of the term pharhe­sia, bor­rowed from the Greek and com­ing to stand for a kind of over­ex­posed pub­lic­ity in con­tem­po­rary Hebrew, leads to a sim­i­lar con­clu­sion: pharhe­sia is not so much in pub­lic, but in the pres­ence of, or exposed to the gaze of, the outsider/Gentile. )

On the face of it, this is pre­cisely the dimen­sion of Jewish iden­tity that was to be left behind, in exile, with the estab­lish­ment of a sov­er­eign Jewish state in the land of Israel. Sovereign in their own land, the Jews should no longer be sub­ject to the gaze of the Gentile. But this is pre­cisely where we come to see that the nega­tion of exile and the exile Jew was a dialec­ti­cal nega­tion in the Hegelian sense, pre­serv­ing and rais­ing to a higher domain as it negates.

Take the fig­ure of the stereo­typ­i­cal Israeli “sabre” (tzabar) – thorns on the out­side, sweet on the inside. The Israeli pro­to­typ­i­cal iden­tity seem­ingly replaces the passive-aggressive with the aggressive-aggressive; worry and embar­rass­ment in face of the other’s gaze is replaced with a straight­for­ward and direct chutzpa, shame­less and unin­hib­ited, and the sta­tus of the eter­nal wan­der­ing Jew, nowhere at home, is replaced by the grounded Jew, at home in his coun­try and (infa­mously) behav­ing every­where as if it were his home. But this clear cut oppo­si­tion is mis­lead­ing. In fact, the gaze of the other as a con­stant threat of expo­sure is not merely negated, but rather sub­lated and uni­ver­salised. Perhaps one effec­tive way of demon­strat­ing this is by draw­ing atten­tion to every­day prac­tices of greet­ing. In many cul­tures there is an implicit yet highly cod­i­fied man­ner of how one is to greet a stranger, an acquain­tance, and so on. A hand­shake, a kiss, two kisses, etc. In a sense, one is granted (ini­tial) access to a soci­ety upon learn­ing these implicit entrance codes, spar­ing one­self the awk­ward­ness of being a com­plete stranger, a new­comer. Interestingly, there is no such code in Israeli cul­ture. One should beware of read­ing this absence of cod­i­fi­ca­tion as some­thing merely lack­ing. Instead, this absence should be read pos­i­tively, as inscrib­ing a cer­tain awk­ward­ness into the moment of encounter. What seems to be an (overly) famil­iar code of behav­ior (peo­ple in Israel often address each other as ‘brother’ and ‘sis­ter’), a final release from the gaze of the ‘big other’, the Gentile, is in fact the uni­ver­sal­i­sa­tion of this gaze: every encounter with the other, even one’s friend, is ini­ti­ated with a brief moment of uncer­tainty as to the appro­pri­ate way to greet her, ren­der­ing the judg­men­tal, exter­nal gaze ubiq­ui­tous. The same holds for the lack of social and lin­guis­tic dis­tinc­tions as to how one is to address mem­bers of dif­fer­ent social strata. No uni­ver­sity pro­fes­sor is addressed as pro­fes­sor, but rather by their first names, and the use of ‘ma’m’ or ‘sir’ is inter­est­ingly usu­ally a sign of hos­til­ity, rather than polite­ness, as if the addi­tion of the for­mal, sym­bolic dis­tance is a sign of the for­eign­ness, and there­fore implied ani­mos­ity, of the one addressed. Finally, the Hebrew word for cit­i­zen, ‘Ezrah’, com­prises the Hebrew word for brother with the word for stranger in it. This should not be taken to mean that a cit­i­zen is a stranger who is also one’s brother, but rather that every brother con­tains within him the stranger. In con­ceiv­ing itself more and more as a com­mu­nity of broth­ers, based on kin­ship, and exclud­ing the mem­bers of soci­ety that do not fit in this fam­ily tree, Israel is dis­avow­ing its sub­la­tion (inter­nal­i­sa­tion and uni­ver­sal­i­sa­tion) of “Polishness”, imag­in­ing it instead as a clear-cut negation.

“They were friends like broth­ers, that is, hav­ing no other choice.” — Assaf Schur.

If all of these are mark­ers of the Polish state in the land of Israel, as I sug­gest, what is the sub­stance of a Jewish state in Poland? Can it be more than yet another reversed mirror-image of the same? Should it strive to be that? Can one har­ness the great rev­o­lu­tion­ary ener­gies that char­ac­ter­ized the Zionist project in its begin­nings and yet avoid the tragic des­tiny that seems to have befallen it? As we come to realise that new begin­nings do not entail a com­plete break with the past, what can the Jewish state in Poland learn from its older sis­ter, the Polish state in Israel?

Though one can hardly rec­om­mend a Golda Meir-like atti­tude to state aggres­sion, per­haps in the Israeli sub­la­tion or nega­tion of “Polishness” there is some­thing the Jewish state in Poland should adopt. Beyond the veil of phan­tasy, no com­mu­nity can be rid of the image of the stranger. Rather than imag­in­ing a com­mu­nity with­out any bar­ri­ers between its mem­bers, per­haps a uni­ver­sal­i­sa­tion of that strange­ness, the pres­ence of the stranger within every brother, should be taken as a pos­i­tive model for imi­ta­tion. If Israeli cit­i­zen­ship seems to be com­ing apart, it is not because this atti­tude is unten­able, but rather because it has been dis­avowed. Instead of affirm­ing the uni­ver­sal strange­ness of the fel­low cit­i­zen, Israel has insisted on cre­at­ing “real” strangers, to exclude from the “real” com­mu­nity of forced broth­ers. May that be a les­son for our younger sis­ter: one’s brother is, before any­thing else, some­one you didn’t choose to share your life with. And if that is so, per­haps it is less urgent to dis­tin­guish between one’s broth­ers and one’s foes.

In the Dutch van Abbe Museum of Modern art in Eindhoven

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Yael Bartana



Yael Bartana (b. 1970, Kfar Yehezkel, Israel) is an Israeli video artist, who lives and works in Amsterdam and Tel Aviv.

pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yael_Bartana



Work

Yael Bartana has had several solo exhibitions at among others Museum of Modern Art in Warsaw, Van Abbemuseum in Eindhoven, PS1 in New York and Moderna Museet Malmö. She participated in Documenta 12 in Kassel in 2007, in the São Paulo Art Biennial 2010 and won the Artes Mundi Prize in 2010. Yael Bartana was Poland's choice for the 2011 Venice Biennale. She is the first non Polish citizen to represent Poland at the aforementioned event. Her work has been featured at the 2007 Documenta 12 and the 2010 Sao Paulo Biennale. Bartana's photography, film, and sound works investigate questions surrounding society, spirituality, and politics.
Yael Bartana’s films, film installations and photographs, challenges the national consciousness that are propagated by her native country Israel. Questions of "Homeland", "Return" and "Belonging" are the central questions she explores.



Bartana's platform of investigation are ceremonies, public rituals and social diversions that are intended to reaffirm the collective identity of countries. Working outside the country, she observes it from a critical distance. Her early films were primarily registrations in which aesthetic interventions, including soundtracks, slowing the image and specific camera perspectives, played a role. The Israeli artist first became interested in exploring the nation of Poland four years ago, when she began her Polish Trilogy, a series of films that examine 19th and 20th-century Europe as a historic homeland for Ashkenazi Jews. In recent years, she has increasingly staged her films, and proposed utopic narratives for new chapters of history.



Education

Bartana has been artist in residence at the Rijksakademie van Beelden de Kunsten.
1992-96 BFA, Photography, Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design Academy, Jerusalem
1996-99 MFA, School of Visual Arts, New York
1999-2001 Rijks Academy, Amsterdam

Awards and Prizes

She has been nominated for and given many awards - most recently she was awarded the prestigious Artes Mundi Prize - one of the UK's major art prizes.
1996 Samuel Academy Award for Excellence, Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design Academy of Arts & Design, Jerusalem
2003 Kipper Prize for the Young Artist, Wolf Fund
2004 Dorothea von Stetten Art Award
2005 Dorothea von Stetten-Kunstpreis, Kunstmuseum Bonn
2005 Prix de Rome, 2nd Award Winner, Rijksakademie, Amsterdam
2006 Prize for a Young Artist, Ministry of Science, Culture and Sport
2007 Nathan Gottsdiner Foundation, The Israeli Art Prize, Tel Aviv Museum of Art,



Exhibitions

Van Abbemuseum, Eindhoven, The Netherlands (2012)
Media City Seoul 2010, Seoul, Korea (2010)
Moderna Museet, Malmö, Sweden (2010),[3]
Artes Mundi, Cardiff, Wales (2010),
Yael Bartana at P.S.1 (New York) (2009)
Foksal Gallery, Warsaw, Poland (2008)
Center for Contemporary Art, Tel Aviv, Israel (2008)
The Power Plant, Toronto, Canada (2007)
Kunstverein Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany (2006)
Museum St. Gallen, St. Gallen, Switzerland (2005)
Sommer Contemporary Art, Tel Aviv, Israel (2004)
MIT List Visual Arts Center, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA (2004)

www.obieg.pl/rozmowy/5722

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www.polishinstitute.org.il/en.html
www.fzp.net.pl/
www.zydziwpolsce.edu.pl/awprowadzenie.html