Giedroyc doctrine

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Giedroyc Doctrine
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jerzy Giedroyc (Maisons-Laffitte, 1997)

The Giedroyc doctrine (pronounced [ˈɡʲɛdrɔjt͡s]; Polish: doktryna Giedroycia) was a political doctrine that urged reconciliation among East-Central and East European countries. It was developed by postwar Polish émigrés, and was named for Jerzy Giedroyc, a Polish émigré publicist.

Giedroyc developed the doctrine in the 1970s in the journal Kultura with Juliusz Mieroszewski (the doctrine is sometimes called the Giedroyc-Mieroszewski doctrine[1][2]) and other émigrés of the "Maisons-Laffitte group".[1][3][4][5][6] The doctrine can be traced to the interwar Prometheist project of Józef Piłsudski.[6]

The doctrine urged the need to rebuild good relations among East-Central and East European countries. This called for Poland to reject any imperial ambitions and controversial territorial claims, and to accept the postwar border changes.[3][5][6] The doctrine supported independence for Belarus and Ukraine.[3] It also advocated treating all East European countries as equal in importance to Russia, and refusing special treatment for Russia.[1][4] The doctrine was not hostile to Russia, but called on both Poland and Russia to abandon their struggle over domination of other East European countries — in this context, mainly the Baltic states, Belarus, and Ukraine (hence another name for the doctrine: the "ULB doctrine", where "ULB" stands for "Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus").[1][3][4][5]

The doctrine supported the European Union and aimed at removing East-Central and East European countries from the Soviet sphere of influence.[3] After Poland regained its independence from Soviet influence following the fall of communism in 1989, the doctrine was implemented in Poland's eastern foreign policies. Poland itself began integrating into the European Union, eventually joining the EU in 2004.[3][4][6] Poland has likewise supported Ukrainian membership in the European Union and NATO.[3] The doctrine has resulted in some tensions in Polish-Russian relations.[3]

The doctrine has been questioned by some commentators and politicians, particularly in the 21st century,[4] and it has been suggested that in recent years the doctrine has been abandoned by the Polish Foreign Ministry.[5] Others, however, argue that the policy remains in force and is endorsed by the Polish Foreign Ministry.[1][7]

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Jerzy Giedroyc
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Jerzy Władysław Giedroyc (Polish pronunciation: [ˈjɛʐɨ ˈɡʲɛdrɔjt͡s]; 27 July 1906 – 14 September 2000) was a Polish writer and political activist.

Contents

1 Life and career
2 See also
3 References
4 External links

Life and career

Giedroyc was born into a Polish-Lithuanian aristocratic family; with the title of the kniaź, prince, his studies in Moscow were interrupted by the October Revolution, when he returned home, and during the Polish–Soviet War of 1919–1921 his family left Minsk for Warsaw, where he graduated from the Jan Zamoyski gymnasium in 1924 and studied law and Ukrainian history and literature at the University of Warsaw.[1] As a journalist and civil servant in interwar Poland, he maintained contacts with leading Ukrainians and urged the Roman Catholic Church to improve relations with the Greek Catholic Church to which most Ukrainians belonged, insisting that Poland's success as a national state depended on satisfying the aspirations of minorities so that minority nationalists would not have convincing arguments against Polish statehood; he thus took the side of Józef Piłsudski as against the National Democrats.[2] In 1930 he took over as editor of the weekly "Dzień Akademicki" (Academic Day) which he soon transformed into the biweekly "Bunt Młodych", renaming it Polityka in 1937.

During World War II he served under General Władysław Anders in the Polish Army and kept up friendly contacts with representatives of other nationalities. After the war he moved to Paris, where he published and edited a leading Polish-émigré literary-political journal, Kultura (1947–2000), which promoted a peaceful settlement of Poland's eastern borders, and accepting the results of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the Yalta Conference (Gedroyc-Mieroszewski doctrine), even though many Poles regarded these as betrayals of Poland; this helped lay the groundwork for Poland's successful eastern policy after the fall of communism.[3] His closest collaborator was Juliusz Mieroszewski, who provided the theoretical justification for Polish recognition of the borders with Ukraine, Belarus, and Lithuania (whose future independence he predicted long before it came about).[4]

In 2006 the Polish Sejm declared the year 2006 to be the "Year of Jerzy Giedroyc."

He died in Maisons-Laffitte, Yvelines, Île-de-France, France.[5]

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I still have a few dozen Kultura magazines which I brought from the US or bought in second hand bookshops in Poland.


Kultura
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Kultura (Polish pronunciation: [kulˈtura], Culture)—sometimes referred to as Kultura Paryska ("Paris Culture")—was a leading Polish-émigré literary-political magazine, published from 1947 to 2000 by Instytut Literacki (the Literary Institute), initially in Rome, then Paris.

It was edited and produced by Jerzy Giedroyc and ceased publication upon his death.

Giedroyc was one of the main reasons why Kultura enjoyed an unwavering prestige and a constant stream of esteemed contributors that enabled it to play a prominent role in Polish literary life. Kultura published polemics and articles by Nobel laureates Czesław Miłosz and Wisława Szymborska, as well as works by numerous other authors. Literary critics such as Maria Janion, Jan Kott, and Ryszard Nycz also contributed. Kultura is essential reading for students of Polish literature. Over the years it printed, and popularized the names of, many leading Polish intellectuals living under Communism and abroad, such as Gustaw Herling-Grudziński, Witold Gombrowicz, Marek Hłasko, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Józef Czapski, Konstanty Jeleński, and Bogdan Czaykowski.

Kultura played a major role in Poland's reconciliation with Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania, as the first independent Polish intellectual circle to openly advocate, in the 1950s, recognizing Poland's postwar eastern borders. This involved renouncing Poland's claims to Lwów in favor of a future independent Ukraine, and to Wilno in favor of a future independent Lithuania.

The concept of supporting the independence of Poland's eastern neighbors, elaborated by Juliusz Mieroszewski and known as ULB ("Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus")—and inspired by Józef Piłsudski's Interbellum Prometheist policy—has had a major influence on Poland's foreign policies since 1989.

[Bonobo]

I still have a few dozen Kultura magazines which I brought from the US or bought in second hand bookshops in Poland.


Kultura
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Kultura (Polish pronunciation: [kulˈtura], Culture)—sometimes referred to as Kultura Paryska ("Paris Culture")—was a leading Polish-émigré literary-political magazine, published from 1947 to 2000 by Instytut Literacki (the Literary Institute), initially in Rome, then Paris.

It was edited and produced by Jerzy Giedroyc and ceased publication upon his death.

Giedroyc was one of the main reasons why Kultura enjoyed an unwavering prestige and a constant stream of esteemed contributors that enabled it to play a prominent role in Polish literary life. Kultura published polemics and articles by Nobel laureates Czesław Miłosz and Wisława Szymborska, as well as works by numerous other authors. Literary critics such as Maria Janion, Jan Kott, and Ryszard Nycz also contributed. Kultura is essential reading for students of Polish literature. Over the years it printed, and popularized the names of, many leading Polish intellectuals living under Communism and abroad, such as Gustaw Herling-Grudziński, Witold Gombrowicz, Marek Hłasko, Juliusz Mieroszewski, Józef Czapski, Konstanty Jeleński, and Bogdan Czaykowski.

Kultura played a major role in Poland's reconciliation with Ukraine, Belarus and Lithuania, as the first independent Polish intellectual circle to openly advocate, in the 1950s, recognizing Poland's postwar eastern borders. This involved renouncing Poland's claims to Lwów in favor of a future independent Ukraine, and to Wilno in favor of a future independent Lithuania.

The concept of supporting the independence of Poland's eastern neighbors, elaborated by Juliusz Mieroszewski and known as ULB ("Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus")—and inspired by Józef Piłsudski's Interbellum Prometheist policy—has had a major influence on Poland's foreign policies since 1989.